IHT, JERUSALEM Next week, 4,000 leaders of the organized Jewish community in North America will convene in Jerusalem for their annual General Assembly to discuss with their Israeli hosts the “shaping of our common future.”
As I intend to participate, I would be happy if one of the Jewish American participants grabbed me by the sleeve and demanded to know what Israel was doing in Gaza. Why Gaza? Because, in a nutshell, it embodies the major problems Israel is now facing.
Israel keeps 7,700 Jewish settlers in the midst of 1 million Arabs in locations that have no strategic importance and in an area which, unlike Judea and Samaria – the West Bank – doesn't even have a biblical significance (except, of course, for Samson).
These settlements in Gaza create endless friction with the Palestinians, breeding hatred and revenge, and securing them taxes the already overburdened Israel Defense Forces. No wonder, then, that in poll after poll the majority of Israelis say that Israel should evacuate its settlements from Gaza.
Those who oppose this claim that a unilateral withdrawal by Israel would be perceived as rewarding terror. The counterargument is that the time is never right. If Prime Minister Ehud Barak had not pulled Israeli troops out of Lebanon in 2000, we might still be stuck there, because of appearances. Recently, the debate about Gaza became heated, when three soldiers (two of them women) were killed at an army base in Netzarim – a post that was supposed to protect the nearby settlement, but instead became a target itself.
Surely American Jews have something to say about this. After all, they are fully aware of the studies predicting that in few years there will be more Arabs than Jews between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea. Surely they are as worried as the Israelis that if Israel keeps the territories, it might either lose its Jewish nature or become an apartheid state.
In the 2002 annual survey of American Jewish opinion by the American Jewish Committee, American Jews were asked: “As part of a permanent settlement with the Palestinians, should Israel be willing to dismantle all, some, or none of the Jewish settlements in the West Bank?” Ten percent answered “all,” 55 percent said “some,” 34 percent – “none” (2 percent were not sure). This is exactly how Israelis feel about the West Bank settlements, and it is therefore safe to assume that American Jews may be feeling the same as the Israelis in regards to Gaza as well.
Yet when it comes to sharing their views with the Israelis, the leaders of the organized Jewish community adhere to the motto of “Israel Right or Wrong.” They don't even allow a staunch supporter of Israel such as Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz to say something remotely critical of Israel: When he told a pro-Israeli rally in Washington last April that Palestinians as well as Israelis have been victims of Middle East violence, he was booed off the podium.
It is not healthy for a friend of Israel – any friend of Israel – not to be allowed to speak freely about its policies. Take the security fence. If the erection of the fence means that olive trees have to be uprooted, that is unfortunate but necessary, and owners of the trees should be compensated. Yet if Jewish settlers destroy olive trees just to harass their Palestinian neighbors – as happened last week near Nablus – then I expect every decent Jew who is a friend of Israel to feel comfortable enough to protest, without immediately being accused of undermining Israel's cause, or being told to shut up because his or her life is not on the line.
In the same public opinion poll, American Jews were asked to agree or disagree with the following statement: “Regardless of their individual views on the peace negotiations with the Arabs, American Jews should support the policies of the duly elected government of Israel.” Sixty-one percent agreed, but 36 disagreed (4 percent were not sure). Why, then, exclude from this discourse the voice of one out of three American Jews?
The love and support that American Jews have showered on Israel over the years is admirable. That they can't – or won't – participate in this central debate in Israel is therefore doubly regrettable. They would better serve the Israeli cause by giving the Israelis their honest opinion, even when they disagree. A vibrant democracy like Israel can take criticism.
The writer is director of international outreach at the Israel Democracy Institute in Jerusalem.
