United Press International,
COLLEGE PARK: The man who would rewrite the Global Climate Accord, reform China's financial markets and transform Iraq into a model democracy has turned his attention to India. This is one task I would prefer George Bush left to the next president.
India presents the West with enormous opportunities. While China offers its blend of capitalism and autocracy to developing countries in Asia and beyond, India is a monument to the idea that developing countries can prosper and enjoy the many blessings of democracy.
India, like China, faces significant challenges but has fewer tools to cope than its Asian rival.
Both lack enough clean energy resources, and India does not have China's enormous exports to buy oil.
For India, nuclear power may be just the ticket. The technological obstacles to powering cars and industry with hydrogen are rapidly dissipating. More nuclear reactors would provide India with electricity now and the means to transition to the hydrogen economy over the next two decades. With its engineering talent, it could become the leader in hydrogen technology, while the Chinese, Americans and others continue to dally.
China is one of five recognized nuclear weapons powers under the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty. India, having weapons but not being one of the five, is an international nuclear outcast; hence, it faces more hurdles than China in obtaining the civilian technology.
For the United States, dealing with India makes sense. The U.S. civilian nuclear industry is boxed in, for now, by opposition from environmentalists. India offers great export opportunities to further develop the U.S. industry until Americans come around to the idea that nuclear reactors are safer than coal mines and cleaner than petroleum refineries.
That said, George Bush's deal with India is ill-conceived and poorly timed.
The agreement reached by President Bush and Prime Minister Singh seeks to ensure India does not use the technology it buys from the United States and others to further its weapons program. The deal purports to segregate India's civilian and military activities but is fatally flawed.
The agreement only places under international supervision 22 of India's 35 nuclear reactors. It strategically excludes its prototype fast-breeder reactor, which will produce more plutonium than it consumes and could bolster India's weapons arsenal.
Moreover, as long as scientists talk to each other and sovereigns delimit the movements of international inspectors, it is folly to believe a nonporous wall can be guaranteed between civilian industries and military efforts.
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