Or does it represent a ration of survivability between the MG-9 and the Tornado?
It represents the notion that a seemingly minor difference in survivability of a system for such use easily induces an
order of magnitude difference in lifecycle cost.
Tornado numbers based off of actual assets available and assigned to the strategic strike task, Reaper numbers based off of giving it at least a remotely reasonable hope of a chance. Of course a nuke carrier would never be a Reaper. Think of it as a simple cost-standin vehicle for an unmanned system with a capability set comparable to a Reaper - as what's available on the MALE UAV market as an unmanned combat platform capable of carrying payloads of the required size - dedicated to achieving the same level of ambition.
Realistically, to even get to those numbers against a full IADS with rapid reconstitution capability including shifting multi-layered mobile units on non-overwhelmable scales, one would have to quite brutally breach an approach path with a DEAD cone ahead of any nuke carriers alongside diversionary deceptive multiple angles of approach and a dedicated information battlespace campaign against the hostile assets, as well as requiring realtime INT on the state of the hostile IADS to be breached. Which all induces immense costs beyond the scope of just the delivery system.
An unmanned drone system carrying nukes to their target would have to be an
actual consideration for the next iteration, with FCAS/NGWS, as the real Tornado successor. However, in a NGWS "combat cloud" approach dedicated to a nuclear strike mission, the unmanned weapon deployment companion systems would likely be designed to be notionally survivable - against interception - on a parallel scale with the host control aircraft, and factually in operation - from a cost perspective - more comparable to the control aircraft employing a standoff weapon.
Germany has more money than any other European country. It can afford fighters.
Germany ran a surplus in tax intake pre-pandemic, for which to cease existing the economy would have to contract by at least 10% long-term. The current stimulus and recovery package amounts to about the amount of that nominal surplus over a three-year period. The F-18 buy relatively amounts to about 3% of that. In other words: Not a relevant amount.