Greeting to all;
Although the issue relating to the Cyprus Conflict was touched by me on the “Russia vs Azerbaijan” thread located at http://www.defencetalk.com/forums/showthread.php?p=138050#post138050 I think it deserves its own individual thread as the Cyprus Conflict is a long lasting problem that has been taking its preoccupation in international politics, with origins perhaps not only dating back 30 years but hundreds of years prior.
Besides the “human-suffering factors” that come with it and the international political weight of the Cyprus Conflict, it also brings with it military-strategic issues. As been an island in the eastern meditteranean, it is closesly positioned to energy resources and transit routes of the mid-east geography, and in the vicinity of the Arab-Israeli conflict.
Militarily-strategically speaking, the island of Cyprus is like a static aircraft carrier positioned in a geography of great importance, hence the presence of Turkish, Greek and United Kingdom military presence on the island, in addition to the “human-factor” and international politics aspect.
And it is on this point that I think an individual thread is deemed appropriate for this conflict, and I request the understanding and permission from the monitors and participators of this forum for the establishment of this thread.
With that said I call upon all, not only Turks and Greeks, to participate in this thread with their views, ideas and in mutual respect to study the Cyprus Conflict and its resultant human-military-strategic aspects.
Sure many thousands of Turks and Greeks suffered on the island, due to clashes, nationalistic ambitions, may they all rest in peace. Sure both Turkish and Greek sides have suffered and continue to suffer with the many loved ones they lost and are still labelled as “missing” by both sides. Not to mention the mutual dislocation of the islands populace (Turkish and Greek), still been felt in the hearts of many generations all the way upto our times, also resulting into material losses, homes etc by both sides.
But all the above mentioned sufferings are mutually felt on both sides of the island, and no disagreements can be resolved without taking an objective look into the ambitions and events that created this conflict.
To solve conflicts, it is necessary to go to the sources of the problem and work our way up from it, instead of wording our current grievences and sufferings. Because only through an objective indept analysis of a problem can we see the “bigger-picture” to its causes and origins and try to implement solutions that will be accepted by both sides and long lasting, not merely a temporary solution giving birth to further bigger conflicts in time.
So, I invite everyone, be they Turk/Greek or anyone, who has interest in this matter, in mutual respect and understanding, to present facts, opinions and ideas about this conflict and how it effets and reflects on the geographies people and also military strategies.
Cyprus Conflict is one of the problematic and long-lasting conflicts that has kept the international community busy for a long time. The conflict has been in the UN's agenda for 30 years. The UN peace keeping forces (UNFICYP) have been in Cyprus to obstruct violent confrontation of the two communities since 1964.
In this paper, we are going to analyze some texts - mainly Greek Cypriot, and try to account on the type of discursive practices used by the Greek Cypriot governments both in the 1960's and in the 1990's.
We shall use discursive practices in a hermenutical approach to account on the change of the Greek Cypriot government's 1960's main discourse after 1974 (Greek coup d'Žat and the successive Turkish military intervention/invasion) which created a distorted reality and how the current discourse influences the negotiation process, between the two communities, under the auspices of the UN.
Before we analyze the texts it is useful to give a brief history of what happened in Cyprus between the periods 1960 and 1974 from the perspectives of two sides, so that the events and concepts in the texts will be clear to the reader.
In 1960 the island was granted its independence by the British. With the Treaties of Zurich, London and Nicosia, an independent, bi-communal state was established in 1960. The state, i.e., the Republic of Cyprus, was comprised of the Turkish Cypriot and the Greek Cypriot communities which had the status of co-founders and equal partners, having 20% and 80% of the population, respectively. A constitution which safeguards the rights of the people of both communities was established. According to the constitution, the President was to be a Greek Cypriot and the Vice-President a Turkish Cypriot; the Turks was to get 30% of the seats in the parliament while the Greek Cypriots 70%; the President and the Vice-President was to have veto power separately on all governmental issues; each community was to have the right to decide by itself on issues concerning only that community; issues concerning both sides were to require separate majority of each community in the parliament.
It was a compromise solution by both sides among the other alternatives: two separate states, a condominium, division of the island between Greece and Turkey, or continued British rule.
The life of this partnership (i.e., the Republic of Cyprus), however, lasted only three years. It is very difficult to find the real story of what really happened after the establishment of the Republic of Cyprus. Each side has its own version of the history and the events in these two separate histories have internal coherence that make them logical within each version.
In 1963 the Greek Cypriot side wanted to make 13 amendments to the Constitution of 1960 which, according to the Turkish Cypriots, would deprive the Turkish Cypriots of the status of equal partner of the Republic. Even eight of them were so fundamental that they were included in the unalterable Basic Articles of the Constitution, such as that of [Turkish Cypriots'] having veto power over governmental decisions, of having their own municipalities, etc. The main objective of the amendments, according to the Turkish Cypriots was to put the Turkish Cypriots into the status of minority (from the status of co-founder and politically equal partner of the Republic) - i.e., to change the bi-communal republic into a unitary state in which the voting power [of the Greek Cypriots] would be paramount.*1.
However, according to the Greek Cypriots, the 1960 Constitution and the international treaties (London, Zurich and Nicosia) were imposed by the external powers (Britain, Greece and Turkey) and that they were signed by the Greek Cypriot leadership under force of the Guarantor powers.
The Turkish Cypriot leadership rejected the amendments. In one instance the Turkish Cypriots took the issue of "establishing separate municipalities" (Article 173) to the Supreme Constitutional Court. On 25th April 1963 the Court ruled that Article 173 had not been complied with, but President (also Greek Archbishop) Makarios declared that he would ignore it, and did ignore it (Cyprus Mail 12.2.63)*2.
On 21st May the neutral President of the Court who was a West German citizen resigned. At that time, according to the Turkish Cypriots, Makarios dismissed the Turkish Cypriot cabinet ministers, members of the House of Representatives and all the Turkish Cypriot civil servants. He also discharged all the Turkish Cypriot diplomats at the United Nations and in foreign capitals *3.
The story is again different from the Greek Cypriot perspective. They believe that the Turkish Cypriot cabinet ministers and the members of the House left their positions voluntarily in order to protest the Greek Cypriot proposal of the thirteen amendments, and that the Turkish civil servants were forced by those ministers to leave their jobs in order to form a separate Turkish Cypriot administration.
From 1963 to 1974 the Turks were forced into exodus with thousands killed and missing due to Greek junta forces occupying the island supported by local Greek Cypriot militia, according to the Greek Cypriot claim, the Turks chose to migrate and form their homogeneous enclaves. Due to this ethnic cleansing and forced migration, the Turkish Cypriots left their land and homes which constituted 30% of the registered ownership of the island in 1960 and migrated to the Turkish Cypriot enclaves which constituted 3% of the island.
On July 15, 1974 a coup organized and sent forces, from the then military junta regime in, Greece to Cyprus to overthrow the Republic of Cyprus (co-founded by Greeks and Turks on the island) and to unite Cyprus with Greece (this movement been called Enosis in Greek). On July 20, 1974 Turkey, under Article 4 of the Treaty of Guarantee (1960) sent troops to the island (code-named Operation Atilla) to drive away the coup d'Zat from Greece.
In the 1960's the Greek Cypriot leadership wanted to unite the island with Greece (i.e., Enosis). For them, that was perfectly legal and justifiable since they formed 80% of the population. So, basically their struggle was not to establish a bi-communal Republic of Cyprus but to gain the right of self determination so that they can unite with their motherland (Greece).
However, the earlier mentioned Agreements (the 1960 Constitution and the international treaties of London, Zurich and Nicosia) gave the two communities (Turkish and Greek) the right of self governmennt separately and gave both communities in the island the right of "sovereignty" to share*4.
The below texts clearly shows the type of discourse which was dominant among the Greek Cypriot leadership in the 1960's:
ENOSIS (union with Greece) discourse before 1974 :
"Unless this small Turkish community forming part of the Turkish race..is expelled, the duties of the Eoka *5 can never be considered terminated."
(President Makarios' Statement, Circa 1960's) (Negotiating for Survival. p. 7).
"The aim of the Cyprus struggle was not establishment of a republic. These Agreements only laid the foundations."
(President Makarios' Statement, March 13, 1963).
"Union of Cyprus with Greece is an aspiration always cherished within the hearts of all Greek Cypriots. It is impossible to put an end to this aspiration by establishing a republic."
(President Makarios' Statement, London TIMES, April 9, 1963).
"It is true that the goal of our struggle is to annex Cyprus to Greece."
(President Makarios' Statement, Uusi Soumi of Stockholm, September 1963).
"Freedom for us means only the integration of this souther outpost of Hellenism into the national entity.(Greece).."
(Tasos Papadopoulos' Statement, October 23, 1967).
"The struggle of Cyprus is the struggle of all Hellenism. Cyprus, where the Greek virtue is being tested, is today the place where the Greek history and Greek struggle are continuing..."
(Foreign Minister Spyros Kyprianou's Statement, March 24, 1971).
As can be seen from the above texts, despite the co-founding of the island with Turks and Greeks and the contstituion and the above mentioned international treaties, the island was claimed to be a Greek island by the largest of the two "partners".
Since the 1963 constitutional crisis the Turks had been absent from the government and they had been living in their forced homogeneous enclaves. So the Greek Cypriot side was enjoying a de facto "unitary state" in terms of government machinery and territory. Also, the Turkish Cypriots were, then forced into the de facto "minority." Clearly, there was "Enosis Discourse" which dominated the texts that were produced by the Greek Cypriot leadership.
Although the issue relating to the Cyprus Conflict was touched by me on the “Russia vs Azerbaijan” thread located at http://www.defencetalk.com/forums/showthread.php?p=138050#post138050 I think it deserves its own individual thread as the Cyprus Conflict is a long lasting problem that has been taking its preoccupation in international politics, with origins perhaps not only dating back 30 years but hundreds of years prior.
Besides the “human-suffering factors” that come with it and the international political weight of the Cyprus Conflict, it also brings with it military-strategic issues. As been an island in the eastern meditteranean, it is closesly positioned to energy resources and transit routes of the mid-east geography, and in the vicinity of the Arab-Israeli conflict.
Militarily-strategically speaking, the island of Cyprus is like a static aircraft carrier positioned in a geography of great importance, hence the presence of Turkish, Greek and United Kingdom military presence on the island, in addition to the “human-factor” and international politics aspect.
And it is on this point that I think an individual thread is deemed appropriate for this conflict, and I request the understanding and permission from the monitors and participators of this forum for the establishment of this thread.
With that said I call upon all, not only Turks and Greeks, to participate in this thread with their views, ideas and in mutual respect to study the Cyprus Conflict and its resultant human-military-strategic aspects.
Sure many thousands of Turks and Greeks suffered on the island, due to clashes, nationalistic ambitions, may they all rest in peace. Sure both Turkish and Greek sides have suffered and continue to suffer with the many loved ones they lost and are still labelled as “missing” by both sides. Not to mention the mutual dislocation of the islands populace (Turkish and Greek), still been felt in the hearts of many generations all the way upto our times, also resulting into material losses, homes etc by both sides.
But all the above mentioned sufferings are mutually felt on both sides of the island, and no disagreements can be resolved without taking an objective look into the ambitions and events that created this conflict.
To solve conflicts, it is necessary to go to the sources of the problem and work our way up from it, instead of wording our current grievences and sufferings. Because only through an objective indept analysis of a problem can we see the “bigger-picture” to its causes and origins and try to implement solutions that will be accepted by both sides and long lasting, not merely a temporary solution giving birth to further bigger conflicts in time.
So, I invite everyone, be they Turk/Greek or anyone, who has interest in this matter, in mutual respect and understanding, to present facts, opinions and ideas about this conflict and how it effets and reflects on the geographies people and also military strategies.
Cyprus Conflict and the Distorted Facts
(or A POST-MODERNIST (STRUCTURALIST) STUDY OF THE DOMINANT GREEK CYPRIOT DISCOURSES)
Cyprus Conflict is one of the problematic and long-lasting conflicts that has kept the international community busy for a long time. The conflict has been in the UN's agenda for 30 years. The UN peace keeping forces (UNFICYP) have been in Cyprus to obstruct violent confrontation of the two communities since 1964.
In this paper, we are going to analyze some texts - mainly Greek Cypriot, and try to account on the type of discursive practices used by the Greek Cypriot governments both in the 1960's and in the 1990's.
We shall use discursive practices in a hermenutical approach to account on the change of the Greek Cypriot government's 1960's main discourse after 1974 (Greek coup d'Žat and the successive Turkish military intervention/invasion) which created a distorted reality and how the current discourse influences the negotiation process, between the two communities, under the auspices of the UN.
Before we analyze the texts it is useful to give a brief history of what happened in Cyprus between the periods 1960 and 1974 from the perspectives of two sides, so that the events and concepts in the texts will be clear to the reader.
In 1960 the island was granted its independence by the British. With the Treaties of Zurich, London and Nicosia, an independent, bi-communal state was established in 1960. The state, i.e., the Republic of Cyprus, was comprised of the Turkish Cypriot and the Greek Cypriot communities which had the status of co-founders and equal partners, having 20% and 80% of the population, respectively. A constitution which safeguards the rights of the people of both communities was established. According to the constitution, the President was to be a Greek Cypriot and the Vice-President a Turkish Cypriot; the Turks was to get 30% of the seats in the parliament while the Greek Cypriots 70%; the President and the Vice-President was to have veto power separately on all governmental issues; each community was to have the right to decide by itself on issues concerning only that community; issues concerning both sides were to require separate majority of each community in the parliament.
It was a compromise solution by both sides among the other alternatives: two separate states, a condominium, division of the island between Greece and Turkey, or continued British rule.
The life of this partnership (i.e., the Republic of Cyprus), however, lasted only three years. It is very difficult to find the real story of what really happened after the establishment of the Republic of Cyprus. Each side has its own version of the history and the events in these two separate histories have internal coherence that make them logical within each version.
In 1963 the Greek Cypriot side wanted to make 13 amendments to the Constitution of 1960 which, according to the Turkish Cypriots, would deprive the Turkish Cypriots of the status of equal partner of the Republic. Even eight of them were so fundamental that they were included in the unalterable Basic Articles of the Constitution, such as that of [Turkish Cypriots'] having veto power over governmental decisions, of having their own municipalities, etc. The main objective of the amendments, according to the Turkish Cypriots was to put the Turkish Cypriots into the status of minority (from the status of co-founder and politically equal partner of the Republic) - i.e., to change the bi-communal republic into a unitary state in which the voting power [of the Greek Cypriots] would be paramount.*1.
However, according to the Greek Cypriots, the 1960 Constitution and the international treaties (London, Zurich and Nicosia) were imposed by the external powers (Britain, Greece and Turkey) and that they were signed by the Greek Cypriot leadership under force of the Guarantor powers.
The Turkish Cypriot leadership rejected the amendments. In one instance the Turkish Cypriots took the issue of "establishing separate municipalities" (Article 173) to the Supreme Constitutional Court. On 25th April 1963 the Court ruled that Article 173 had not been complied with, but President (also Greek Archbishop) Makarios declared that he would ignore it, and did ignore it (Cyprus Mail 12.2.63)*2.
On 21st May the neutral President of the Court who was a West German citizen resigned. At that time, according to the Turkish Cypriots, Makarios dismissed the Turkish Cypriot cabinet ministers, members of the House of Representatives and all the Turkish Cypriot civil servants. He also discharged all the Turkish Cypriot diplomats at the United Nations and in foreign capitals *3.
The story is again different from the Greek Cypriot perspective. They believe that the Turkish Cypriot cabinet ministers and the members of the House left their positions voluntarily in order to protest the Greek Cypriot proposal of the thirteen amendments, and that the Turkish civil servants were forced by those ministers to leave their jobs in order to form a separate Turkish Cypriot administration.
From 1963 to 1974 the Turks were forced into exodus with thousands killed and missing due to Greek junta forces occupying the island supported by local Greek Cypriot militia, according to the Greek Cypriot claim, the Turks chose to migrate and form their homogeneous enclaves. Due to this ethnic cleansing and forced migration, the Turkish Cypriots left their land and homes which constituted 30% of the registered ownership of the island in 1960 and migrated to the Turkish Cypriot enclaves which constituted 3% of the island.
On July 15, 1974 a coup organized and sent forces, from the then military junta regime in, Greece to Cyprus to overthrow the Republic of Cyprus (co-founded by Greeks and Turks on the island) and to unite Cyprus with Greece (this movement been called Enosis in Greek). On July 20, 1974 Turkey, under Article 4 of the Treaty of Guarantee (1960) sent troops to the island (code-named Operation Atilla) to drive away the coup d'Zat from Greece.
In the 1960's the Greek Cypriot leadership wanted to unite the island with Greece (i.e., Enosis). For them, that was perfectly legal and justifiable since they formed 80% of the population. So, basically their struggle was not to establish a bi-communal Republic of Cyprus but to gain the right of self determination so that they can unite with their motherland (Greece).
However, the earlier mentioned Agreements (the 1960 Constitution and the international treaties of London, Zurich and Nicosia) gave the two communities (Turkish and Greek) the right of self governmennt separately and gave both communities in the island the right of "sovereignty" to share*4.
The below texts clearly shows the type of discourse which was dominant among the Greek Cypriot leadership in the 1960's:
ENOSIS (union with Greece) discourse before 1974 :
"Unless this small Turkish community forming part of the Turkish race..is expelled, the duties of the Eoka *5 can never be considered terminated."
(President Makarios' Statement, Circa 1960's) (Negotiating for Survival. p. 7).
"The aim of the Cyprus struggle was not establishment of a republic. These Agreements only laid the foundations."
(President Makarios' Statement, March 13, 1963).
"Union of Cyprus with Greece is an aspiration always cherished within the hearts of all Greek Cypriots. It is impossible to put an end to this aspiration by establishing a republic."
(President Makarios' Statement, London TIMES, April 9, 1963).
"It is true that the goal of our struggle is to annex Cyprus to Greece."
(President Makarios' Statement, Uusi Soumi of Stockholm, September 1963).
"Freedom for us means only the integration of this souther outpost of Hellenism into the national entity.(Greece).."
(Tasos Papadopoulos' Statement, October 23, 1967).
"The struggle of Cyprus is the struggle of all Hellenism. Cyprus, where the Greek virtue is being tested, is today the place where the Greek history and Greek struggle are continuing..."
(Foreign Minister Spyros Kyprianou's Statement, March 24, 1971).
As can be seen from the above texts, despite the co-founding of the island with Turks and Greeks and the contstituion and the above mentioned international treaties, the island was claimed to be a Greek island by the largest of the two "partners".
Since the 1963 constitutional crisis the Turks had been absent from the government and they had been living in their forced homogeneous enclaves. So the Greek Cypriot side was enjoying a de facto "unitary state" in terms of government machinery and territory. Also, the Turkish Cypriots were, then forced into the de facto "minority." Clearly, there was "Enosis Discourse" which dominated the texts that were produced by the Greek Cypriot leadership.
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