To ‘Militarize’ or ‘Weaponize’ Space? U.S. Debate Begins
By GOPAL RATNAMShould the United States be content with the “militarization†of space or should it press on with “weaponizing†it? The difference is far from merely semantic to U.S. lawmakers who intend to use hearings in July to launch the question into public debate.
“These hearings will build upon a closed hearing already conducted to increase the members’ understanding of this complex issue,†Rep. Terry Everett, R-Ala., who heads the House Armed Services strategic forces subcommittee, said in an e-mail response to questions. “The hearings will discuss administration policy and the spectrum of options for space control. The hearings are intended to be the start of a national debate on protecting our assets in space.â€
The White House is already drawing up its position, preparing the first update to the eight-year-old national space policy. At stake is the direction and budget of space efforts by the Pentagon and intelligence agencies.
In an May 19 interview, U.S. Air Force Chief of Staff Gen. John Jumper said, “We have to have access to space. That’s what we’ve said all along. So that’s what we think is going to be required. But the policy-level decisions that are going to define the limits of that are not in the United States Air Force by any means. Well beyond the United States Air Force.â€
Jumper said his service was not currently developing space-launched vehicles that could carry smart weapons.
“Space militarization is okay,†one Democratic staff member said. “But with weaponization, my guys have a problem with that … there are all sorts of nuances there and [lawmakers] haven’t thought about it.â€
For example, lawmakers are not sure what to make of the Common Aero Vehicle (CAV), also known as the Hypersonic Technology Vehicle, being developed by the U.S. Air Force, in conjunction with Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency. An unpowered, maneuverable, hypersonic vehicle that looks like a mini space shuttle, the CAV can be launched by a long-range ballistic missile or rocket to hit a target anywhere in the world within an hour.
“If the CAV goes up into space and comes back to hit something, I don’t think [Democrats] worry about it,†the staffer said. “But what if it goes into orbit for 24 or 72 hours and then comes down? … Is that a space weapon?â€
What about moving today’s ground-based communications jammers into space?
“It is not an application of force if it’s temporary and reversible,†but is that a weapon, the aide asked.
Updating Space Policy
It’s not clear whether such questions will be answered by the White House’s forthcoming update to the 1996 national space policy.
The Clinton Administration policy did not ban the development of space weapons. One section, the Defense Space Sector Guidelines, says, “DoD shall maintain the capability to execute the mission areas of space support, force enhancement, space control and force application.†But space watchers say that in its implementation the Clinton administration opposed weaponization and canceled programs that tended to skirt the line.
A January 2001 blue-ribbon commission headed by Donald Rumsfeld, who soon became defense secretary, called the existing policy sound but said “the U.S. has not taken the steps necessary to develop the needed capabilities and to maintain and ensure continuing superiority.â€
The country could well face a “space Pearl Harbor†— a surprise attack on its satellites -- said the National Commission to Assess U.S. National Security Space Management and Organization.
The New York Times reported May 18 that the new version will call for putting offensive and defensive weapons in orbit, but a White House spokesman denied that the following day.
“The policy that we’re talking about is not looking at weaponizing space,†said White House press secretary Scott McClellan. He said the update will reflect “a number of domestic and international developments that have changed the threats and challenges facing our space capabilities.â€
Among the changes is the Global Positioning System, said Fred Jones, a spokesman for the White House National Security Council.
“Eight years ago, it was in its infancy,†Jones said. “Systems did not have GPS. Now cell phones have them; communication satellites of all types are now in place.â€
Another development is the U.S. cancellation of the 1972 Anti-ballistic Missile treaty, which forbade space-based anti-missile systems.
Space Debate
The debate over space weapons is shaping up along the lines of the partisan debate over missile defense. Advocates and opponents who clashed over the 2002 pullout from the treaty with Russia are now marshalling arguments about weaponizing space.
Everett Dolman, a professor at the School of Advanced Air and Space Studies, Maxwell Air Force Base, Ala., believes that developing orbital weapons is necessary to prevent other nations, such as India and China, from doing so first.
Speaking at a May 17 conference on space, organized by the Nuclear Policy Research Institute in Warrenton, Va., Dolman said the key question is “not whether the United States should be the first to weaponize space, or whether space weaponization is inevitable, but rather can the United States be the second state to weaponize space?â€
Opponents say that the Air Force could protect its satellites from the ground at a fraction of the cost. But they say the service is determined to orbit weapons, citing research efforts and proposed programs on Air Force budget wishlists.
One August 2004 doctrine document, “Counterspace Operations,†lists space situational awareness, and defensive as well as offensive counterspace operations, including “deception, disruption, denial, degradation, and destruction … of an adversary’s space systems.â€
The new White House policy could open the door to new and needlessly costly space weapons, said Theresa Hitchens, vice president of the Center for Defense Information, a Washington think tank that opposes space weaponization.
Republican lawmaker Everett said, “Cost is a factor, but to date cost data for space control compared to that of other systems does indicate any merit to oppose space control because of cost.â€
But for some Democratic lawmakers, the question is more philosophical.
“The Democrats don’t have a monopoly on wisdom,†the Democratic aide said, but they are uncomfortable with being the “first nation to put a destructive weapon in orbit.†•
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